Abstract Most of the studies focus on the high representation of women in politics such as in Parliament, Government or Euro Parliament, while little attention is given to the local government despite its importance within the national politic system. Therefore, the aim of this research is to better analyze, observe and understand the dynamics of women’s participation at the electoral process in the local government as candidates and winners, but also as voters in the North East Region of Development of Romania. The focus is on the progress made or not toward gender equality in political decision making in the 32 years of democracy. More precisely, how substantial are the changes, after 7 elections, regarding the number of women that chose to run for elections, to what extent were they voted and how high is the success rate of success when compared to the male-candidates. The methodology consists in descriptive analysis of the political representativity, depending on the identified evolution trends, correlated with the Regions of Romania and political parties. To carry out this study, quantitative and qualitative methods were combined. The analyzed data for the local election from 1996 to 2020 focus on the studied area-North East Region which has the highest level of female mayors when compared with the others. The results show an under-representation of women in local government with a percentage of 6.34% female mayors, 1 percentage higher than at national level (5.33%). Moreover, 84.20% of administrative units have never had a female mayor. Also, the women’s rates of success are lower (15.28% in 2020) when compared to their male counter parts (22.26%) (ROAEP).

Abstract Chantal Mouffe is one of the most discussed political theorists of recent years. One of her most important theoretical contributions is her critique of deli berative democracy for its inability to think the political in terms of antagonism and dissensus. The aim of this paper is therefore to examine to what ex tent Mouffe’s theory of democracy, which she calls “agonistic pluralism” and which she proposes as an alternative to deliberative democracy, can be used to think about the role of the parliamentary institution in a democratic polity. To this end, we mobilize a qualitative method based on the realisation of fif teen semi-structured interviews in order to analyze the case of the Walloon Parliament, with the aim of showing how democratic parliamentarism realizes the staging of the antagonism which, according to Mouffe, founds the do main of the political .

Abstract Humans temper their evolutionary competitive instincts with extensive extra personal assistance (EA). The consequences of this EA, as experienced by both the receptor and the contributor, are significant donors to vast swaths of human culture and society. However, effectiveness and efficiency are not guaranteed outcomes associated with humans’ efforts to assist. Indeed, intentions to assist may paradoxically result in hindrances for receptors if contributors fail to prioritize an effectual ratio of affection to expectations, fail to account for human nature and the unique human, or fail to optimally prioritize freedom of all parties. This paper examines different aspects of EA: in dividual as opposed to collective, voluntary versus coerced, temporary or persistent, altruistic and/or self-aggrandizing, active rather than fallow. We ex amine principles and methods regarding these aspects that tend to optimize the effectiveness and efficiency of EA with the overall goal of reducing human suffering by realizing independence and self-reliance of the receivers. Recommendations include an emphasis on the utilization of receptor capabilities, planning and prioritizing long-term independence, compassionate resolution of short-term exigencies, and favoring human-centered implementation of organizational EA.

Abstract Children with disabilities in Zimbabwe faced several economic, social and cultural challenges due to crumbling economy and socialisation. Their plight further deteriorated with the advent of COVID-19 pandemic that struck the world economy. Zimbabwe was not spared from this as most parents of children with disabilities are in the informal sector that was badly hit by COVID-19 lockdown measures that prohibited them from trading. This affected children with disabilities to access their basic needs. The study was conducted on children with disabilities in Chiredzi South which is a rural community. The study used qualitative methodology in the form of desk review and virtual questionnaires and key informant interviews. These virtual interviews used the ODK application and ONA server. The main findings of the study were that there are eight disabilities types in Chiredzi South that are prevalent to children, lack of movement enablers, lack of telecommunication infrastructure hindered education and health access for children with disabilities. The main conclusions were that children living with disabilities in Chiredzi did not receive meaningful help from government and non-governmental organisations during COVID-19 pandemic; they are further excluded from accessing basic services such as education and health. The recommendations of the study are making sure that special teachers are at schools during lockdown with government providing them with protective equipment, introduction of subsidies to assist children with disabilities in schools, accessibility of appropriate medication for those who live on special medication, and many other recommendations as outlined at the end of the paper.

Abstract This study examined the nature and trend of insecurity and patterns of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Nigeria from 1999-2014 with a view to pro vide information on how insecurity affects the patterns of FDI in Nigeria. The study employed both primary and secondary data. Primary data were sourced through in-depth interviews conducted on purposively selected respondents from Ministry, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) of government who are directly involved in handling issues of security and FDI in the country; economic attaché of some selected embassies; foreign business organisations in the country and the academia with interest on FDI and security issues. Secondary data were sourced from academic journals, government publications, newspapers and magazines on variables such as FDI and insecurity. The study adopted the theoretical framework of liberal transnationalism of political economy perspective. Data were analysed using qualitative and descriptive methods. The result revealed that the nature and trend of insecurity negatively impacted on the patterns of FDI in Nigeria both in the oil and non-oil sector within the period under studied.

Abstract Owing to its geopolitical position in the Caucasus region as well as its oil and gas resources, The Republic of Azerbaijan plays an important geoeconomic role in the energy transit to Europe. Therefore, this study aims to identify the most important geo-economic factors affecting the economic security indicators of the Republic of Azerbaijan from 2015 to 2018 and their impact on economic security indicators such as economic growth, inflation, and foreign direct investment in the Republic of Azerbaijan. For this purpose, a descriptive-analytical method with relevant statistics and data is used to explain Azerbaijan’s economic situation. The hypothesis assumed in this study is that the energy resources and transit role of the Republic of Azerbaijan, regarding the geopolitical position of this country in the Caucasus region, are the most important components affecting the economic security indicators of the Re public of Azerbaijan. Also, some other factors, including the strategies implemented by leaders and political decision-makers, play a considerable role in this regard. Overall, the main objective of this study is to emphasize the geoeconomic components as sustainable factors in determining the economic advantages of this country.

Abstract Ethiopia and China have built strategic diplomatic relations over the last three decades. However, before growing to build arguably one of the most fruitful diplomatic relations of the twentieth century, the diplomatic relations between the world’s second-biggest economy and the country with the fastest economic growth in Africa knew a “dark” period between the 1950s going through the late 1960s. Incidentally, that was when China established fruitful diplomatic relations with many African countries. The present study analyzes the foreign policy model put in place by the then Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie, a model established from the 1940s, solidified in the 1950s going until the decay of Haile Selassie’s hegemony in the late 1960s, and how this model did not fit the model adopted by their Chinese counterpart. The foreign policy implemented by China from the 1950s was incongruent with Haile Selassie’s dream for Ethiopia’s modernization inspired by the capitalists of the West. The paper examines the dynamics of the Sino-Ethiopian relations during the period that both China and Ethiopia strived to gain international recognition and explores the reasons that hindered China and Ethiopia from building fruitful diplomatic relations. From the perspective of the history of the Sino-Ethiopian diplomatic relations, the paper analyses the current state of the Sino-Ethiopian relations in Ethiopia under conflict.

Abstract This article deals with the relations between the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood Organization (MBO) and the Jordanian regime during and after the Arab Spring and aims to reveal how the Arab Spring affected the relations. That the MBO, performing legal activities in Jordan since 1945, was terminated upon the judicial decision in July 2020 constituted great importance due to eliminating the activities of the most powerful opposing organization in the country. The Arab Spring became a milestone in the relations between the Jordanian MBO and the Hashemite Monarchy. It is thought that the Jordanian MBO expected to form a Muslim Brotherhood line in the region exhibited a competitive attitude against the regime and aimed to weaken the legitimacy of the regime. However, the fact that the Arab Spring was not progressed in an expected way, particularly the fact the Egyptian MBO was overthrown by the military coup, constituted a significant impact on the Jordanian MBO, as it did to all Muslim Brotherhood Organizations. After the military coup, the renewed regional balance provided the proper conditions, so that the Jordanian regime was able to marginalize the MBO. Within this scope, the Jordanian regime adopted an action that was executed over time and the radical wing of the organization, regarded as a supporter of Hamas, was disbanded. The article concludes that the Arab Spring consolidated the concept of strengthening the Jordanian identity of the state and ensured the Jordanianization of the MBO just like in the other critical processes in the recent past of Jordan.

Abstract The current corps of Nigerian army are products of top tertiary military and policy institutions. They have demonstrated their prowess internationally, especially, in peace keeping and peace enforcement. Forty-four years (44 yrs) after the Nigerian Afro-Beat Maestro (Fela) sang, “…they leave sorrow, tears and blood…”, the Nigerian army is still riveted in gross human rights abuses. Recently, it is competing with Boko Haram on who comes first on the list of International Criminal Court’s (ICC) human rights abuses. Given that the army is trained to use maximum force and the fact that post-colonial states’ crises, especially in Africa, and specifically Nigeria are internal. There has been the debate on the establishment of medium force outfit in Nigeria, which led to the establishment and subsequent disbandment of National Guard in the 1990s. The debate continued to rage in this Fourth Industrial Revolution era. But the cost implication of running such a paramilitary outfit has posed a major hindrance. To fill this gap, this paper joins the debate and argues for the establishment of an Army Constabulary Corp (ACC), a medium force between the army maximum force and the police minimum force. The paper uses the Feaver Agency theory of civil military relation as its theoretical framework. The study collated data through documentary methods. In analysing the data, the qualitative data were transcribed, interpreted, and analysed through systematic logical inductions.

Abstract This study examined democracy and administration of social justice in Nigerian fourth republic. The aim of the study was to critically assess how Nigeria’s democracy and administration of social justice has fared in bringing about the much-craved people-oriented development in the fourth republic. The study is documentary research which employed content analytical approach in analysing secondary data; with “John Rawls Theory of Justice” employed as its model of analysis. One of the most worrisome challenges of Nigeria’s relay-race towards development has been the inability of Nigeria’s political system to adhere to social justice in administration of public affairs. The study found that Nigeria’s democratized fourth republic is infested with obscene social injustice and inequality in power sharing, government decisions on citing of industries, infrastructural development, with lopsidedness in the recruitment/appointment of public office holders which has been exclusively Northern region skewed. The study reveals that the “Federal Character Principle” etched into the 1999 Constitution to address inherent cleavages of inequalities has been thrown overboard, as a particular ethnic group has seized power at the peril of development of all others. The implications of an abused democracy and social justice system are not just deleterious to the citizens today, but more so for generations to come in terms of sustainable development. The paper therefore calls on the Nigerian government to learn, embrace and practice the intrinsic operational principles of an ideal democracy that seeks to promote justice, equity, accountability, respect for fundamental human rights, rule of law and other good governance values that would usher Nigeria into a higher development trajectory.

Abstract The persistence of crises in our societies and, above all, the fact that overcoming them is linked to certain political transformations raises the question not only of the nature of these crises and their corresponding transformations, but also of the capacity of democratic societies to carry them through. The perspective of political philosophy and sociological theory can help us to identify such situations and objectives, as well as the peculiar difficulties of our governments to successfully manage such complex crises. The rationale of this paper is to analyse the nature of these crises, to ask about the kinds of changes they seem to demand, to explain what ultimately makes such changes so difficult, and to propose a conceptual framework for understanding the kind of intervention in society that would be necessary.

Abstract The issue of humanitarian intervention is widely discussed in the field of international relations. While the issue of humanitarian intervention is necessary for hegemonic states, it is defined as the justification for “occupation” for states with more idealistic discourses. According to critics of “humanitarian intervention”, the clearest example of the criticized occupation issue is the US-Iraq war. The concept of humanitarian intervention has been discussed in the international system for a long time, and its status under international law still remains unclear. The USA carried out a military operation in Iraq under the pretext of humanitarian intervention, because of this, the Saddam regime was overthrown, furthermore, had other devastating consequences. The USA has labeled some states including Iraq as “rogue” states that “brutalize their own people and squander their natural resources for the personal gain of their rulers”. In this study, the humanitarian intervention by the USA, which has a negative impact on Iraq, is examined.

Abstract The paper first describes a brief history of the World Health Organization and its public actions during the last decades. Then, it describes its organizational structure and its roles in global health governance. It also emphasizes some global WHO actions in this field. The objective is to show the WHO actions as part of the referential analysis of public policies, according to Jobert and Muller (1987). We then present the referential theory and describe how it helps us understand international organizations’ influence in maintaining or changing specific paradigms in public policy. Afterward, we provide a brief history of Brazil’s actions during the SARS H1N1 pandemic to illustrate how the WHO guidelines and the International Health Regulations have served as a paradigm for Brazilian public policy in this area. Then, we demonstrate that by not following the WHO recommendations to combat the pandemic, the Brazilian government generates a conflict of references expressed both in the clash between the central government and the Ministry of Health and in a federative clash opposing national and regional governments.